October 28, 2006

是的我又搬家了

因為本站在大陸被封鎖 所以搬去一個在大陸新的新平台 http://my.donews.com/sskz 謝多指教!

October 21, 2006

台灣福爾摩沙航空

原來改個名就可以去中國化,這些人為什麼那麼笨?
那些白痴的想法就像自我催眠,是不是阿扁改個名就可以再選下一介總統呢?
志在心中,只有沒自信的人才會要做這門面功夫!
那麼多時間不去關心民眾的需要,搞這些表面化的動作!
這些人是民選的嗎?以後投票前擦亮你的眠晴吧!!

請看新聞....


繼中正機場改名為台灣桃園機場之後,行政院下一波的正名對象鎖定中華航空,將來可能改名為「台灣航空」或「福爾摩沙航空」,華航工會第一時間跳出來反彈,痛批改名成本牽扯太廣,光是飛機重新油漆至少就要花上好幾億,還有更多無形的損失,這些錢政府要不要幫忙出。
拿出員工識別證,華航工會理事長首先發難,將來中華航空字樣要改成台灣或福爾摩沙,他很有意見。......



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October 19, 2006

To Hong Kong with Love

一轉眼又過了四年半
在香港的日子很迷糊
很難分辨出好還是不好
繁華的都市喧嘩的夜生活
一般遊客四天三夜行程但我卻走的比較長
有時候對於這文化沙漠很無力
但也有引發我不少在現實生活上的衝力
在感情、朋友、娛樂、工作上
給了我很多段深厚的記憶
離別是我最不擅長的戲碼
當年我哭著來香港
今天我哭著的離開

To Hong Kong with love!!!

PS. 下一站大陸,新的生活新的開始,Blog會待安頓後重新出發!!





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October 12, 2006

中國最牛B的搜尋引擎"百Google度"

中國地大物博,無其不有
但很多外地人說中國就是欠創意
但今天無意中發現了一個超有創意的搜尋引擎Search Engine
百Google度 , 又名BaiGoogleDu百歌谷度
一次會出現兩種搜尋結果
真他媽的牛B!!

去瞧瞧吧! http://www.baigoogledu.com/
初步測試FireFox無法運作,IE正常



October 4, 2006

球場的禮貌 by 何飛鵬

因為之前的一篇文章所以對何社長的背景產生好奇
因此跑去他的Blog上逛逛,點閱了其中一則"球場的禮貌"的文章
但我又很有意見,跟大家分享!

何先生在球場所發生的事件並不尋常
我所看到的問題遠超於"禮貌"這範疇
安全才是問題的所在!
在此我非常質疑何先生對於打球規則及安全的知識
球打到人是一個非常嚴重及危險的事件
今天僥幸是打到腰,如果是打到頭或眼睛,以高爾夫球的速度及威力是足以致命的!球場發生這類事件大都是人為,以這個案來說三方在處理上都有問題:
1. 球手完全不懂安全規則,在球道未淨空的情況下發球!
2. 球場不應讓不懂球規的人上場,應規定不懂規則球手有專業球僮或教練陪打
3. 受傷的人應向球會及有關單位如保險公司索賠,至少要有書面的解釋,以確保問題事件有被正視
還有的就是何先生不應把這類事件淡化為禮貌問題!要幫忙宣導球場的安全知識,以免同類事情再度發生!

PS. 我還是愛看商周的!



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陳瑞仁,今夜你孤獨嗎?

晚上在翻新一期商業周刊(984期)
讀了創辦人何飛鵬一篇題為"陳瑞仁,今夜你孤獨嗎?"的文章
內容大概是說檢查官陳瑞仁在扁家貪汙案舉足輕重的角色
在綠跟紅鬥爭中左右為難,以造成他孤獨、無助、甚至是危險的情況。
我很納悶的是,一個應當為智識份子的眼中,會認為阿扁的清白是會落在一個人的決定中?難到台灣司法不才是所有案子的審判點嗎?如果一個人就說了算,為麼不直接廢除司法,反回遠古時代的君王社會就算了呢?
我一直不熱衷倒扁,是因為我覺得整頓司法比總統下台更重要。把"人治"這種思考模式淡化,進一步推高"法治"的精神。台灣需要有良好的法例制度以及獨立的執法體制,來幫助人民來監督政府的運作。如果硬要阿扁下台,豈不是認同了以往縱容隻手遮天的暴君主義?
台灣很缺乏公民教育,我們也不應該把責任全推給教育制度,因為所謂的公民教育所涵蓋的範圍不止於在學學生,也應包含所有年齡層的台灣人民。還有所有做長輩的都應該灌輸正確的社會價值給晚輩,讓這群未來的主人翁能在成人後為社會出一分力,創造一個有公義、有健全社會制度的未來。


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September 25, 2006

"Free Hugs" We all need one



We all need a Hug once in a while
Please don't be shy to ask for,
and please be generous to give!! 

今天收到朋友傳寄來很Sweet的Free Hug Campaign片段! Click here..



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September 19, 2006

I'll be there



昨晚在飯店睡得不太好
半夢半醒間聽到電視在放一首很久之前我很喜歡
但又很久沒聽到的歌

I'll be there - Mariah Carey



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September 15, 2006

Updates


有一段時間沒更新Blog了
主要原因是因為Yam的系統被大陸封鎖
無奈我很多朋友是住內地
使我更新的興趣缺缺.....
哎、不知道有沒有什麼好的Blog系統可以介紹給我?

前陣子買了新的DC,也沒花什麼時間去試拍
最近有一些測試作品,請多指教

Langham Hotel Portal and Play Bar ...Click Here
Home Sweet Home ...Click Here



山有木兮木有枝、心悅君兮君不知。 - 夜宴 The Banquet -

夜宴 The Banquet
莎式的君王愛情悲劇
Crossover中式的艷華禪念
美術、場景及舞蹈都是高水準的表現
動作部份略為失色、尤太子吳彥祖與羽臨軍比劍一幕更為沉悶
章子怡的演出令人喜出望外,唯她事先張揚裸露部份由替身上陣
讓觀眾們的想象空間大大退減
其他要角的發揮中規中矩
譚盾的音樂也恰到好處
使夜宴成為本年度不可錯過的電影項目



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倒扁不如倒閣、圍城不如夜宴

一人一票的民主選舉
最可怕的就是要接受現實
阿扁選上了,那當然會理直氣壯誓保皇位

那他的那些貪婪事件呢?
君臣犯法不是應與庶民同罪的嗎?
問題是定不了他罪他就是沒罪
在這種情況下只有革命才比較有機會推翻政權
不要忘了,除非台灣出個再生甘地
因為大概血也不會有人願意為革命而流
所以革命的機會可說是渺茫

我奇怪的是,台灣不是走向共和/民主了嗎?
為什麼現在的情況比較像是君皇系統呢?
台灣人,你們要的是皇上還是總統啊?
公民教育究竟有沒有教導人民及我們的下一代這兩個職務的不同之處呢?

台灣總統能隻手遮天
是因為民眾一直的縱容
司法和行政系統的獨立性
政黨與商業的勾當
在台灣變成民主選舉後竟然都沒改變
事態更有越趨嚴重之情況

當日香港五十萬人上街倒董
是因為他是中央欽點上位的
只有這辦法他才會乖乖下台
但阿扁是民選出來的
造成今天的局面是大家要去承受的問題
我的重點是那怕他真的摸摸鼻子下來了
以後誰上台問題還是會延續

民主選舉的每一票都是自已種的籽
以後要開什麼花什麼果也就是因果
你的民意代表有盡他的責任嗎?
還是你也希望有一天能跟歹黨勾結
矇著眼睛看著自已的地方爛下去呢?

與其沒有決心去喊口號湊熱鬧你去我就去的心態去倒扁
倒不如去華納威秀去看看"夜宴"電影
考究及反省古代君王是如何被滅國還比較實際吧!!



July 12, 2006

仁傑要結婚了!!

我們滑踩的朋友仁傑要結婚了
我星期六會去吃喜酒(因為我在香港比較近)
大家有什麼祝福的話可以留在這
我會幫忙轉達的!!



葉劉淑儀史丹福碩士論文

Hong Kong︰ A Case Study in Democratic Development in Transitional Societies (Summary)
By Regina Ip Lau Suk-yee 2006
For more than 100 years under British rule, Hong Kong was governed as a Weberian bureaucratic polity with public participation in governance limited to the appointment of eminent persons to the Executive Council, Legislative Council and the government's advisory boards and committees.

Since the second world war, the British administration in Hong Kong had passed up two opportunities to introduce democracy: after the war when Governor Sir Mark Young's proposals to reform Legco were not implemented; and after the 1966 and 1967 riots, when the government decided after review that it would be better to bring government closer to the people by introducing a City District Officer Scheme than by bringing people into government.

The prospect of handing Hong Kong back to China in 1997 led the British to renew their efforts to democratise Hong Kong, starting with the introduction of the first round of direct elections to district boards in the early 1980s.

However, in the absence of agreement with China on the pace of democratic development in Hong Kong and the form of democratic government, the British succeeded only in democratising Legco before they left. Governor Christopher Patten took dramatic steps to turn Legco into an autonomous body and made the executive branch accountable to it. In the process, he stripped the executive branch of its structural control of Legco and hollowed out the much-touted concept of "executive-led" government.

Although the Hong Kong Special Administrative government continues to cling to "executive-led government" as its central credo, in reality by the time of the transfer of sovereignty Hong Kong had been turned into a semi-democracy, with an autonomous and assertive legislature answerable to its constituents and a largely appointed executive branch with much weaker electoral credibility and not a single assured vote in the legislature.

The dichotomy between the executive and legislative branches is the single most important structural factor accounting for the many governance problems experienced by Hong Kong since the separation of the executive and legislative branches of the government. This separation was completed in 1995, upon the withdrawal of all official members from Legco.

The Basic Law does not provide any manifest solution to this problem, as it provides separate election or selection of the legislature and the chief executive respectively, with no organic link between them. Unless this structural anomaly is remedied, the Hong Kong government will continue to find it hard to pursue its agenda and provide an "executive-led" government.

In a democratic country, political parties play a central role in providing the vital nexus between the executive and legislative branches.
Governments with a majority in the legislatures are known to have pushed through controversial agendas or survived political storms by virtue of their strong party support in the legislatures. A government with strong party support in the legislature thus provides the best prospect of a strong "executive-led" government.

Political parties perform many crucial functions in the building of a democratic polity, including elite recruitment, aggregation and articulation of citizens' interests, societal integration and forming and sustaining governments in office. Hong Kong's political parties are underdeveloped in having low membership, insufficient elite participation, cumbersome and secretive procedures and inadequate policy research and public administration capability. As presently constituted, they have a long way to go before they can shoulder the responsibility of forming and sustaining governments in office.

The democratic debates in recent years have focused on the timetable for implementing direct elections. Undoubtedly, the holding of direct elections for the legislature and the chief executive signals the transformation of Hong Kong into a full democracy.

However, as many prominent scholars of democracy have emphasised, the holding of elections meets only the minimal formal requirements of democracy. To transform Hong Kong successfully into a functional and high-quality democracy, Hong Kong stands to benefit from more comprehensive and in-depth consideration of all the structures necessary for the building of a democratic polity.

The key components of the democratic infrastructure include: 1) greater maturation of political parties; 2) development of political talent; 3) fostering of a democratic political culture; 4) greater development of civil society; and, last but not least, 5) institutional re-engineering to resolve the current disconnect between the executive and legislative branches and to introduce an electoral system for direct elections to the legislature that satisfies all the underlying principles governing democratic development in the Basic Law.

On the maturation of political parties and the development of more political talent, the SAR government could do a lot to help by enhancing the honorarium and accountable allowances payable to legislative councillors to increase their financial resources. They could also introduce a pension system for legislators and augment the staffing, administrative and legal support available to councillors by reinforcing the Legco secretariat.

The government could help make participation in politics and public policy deliberation a more attractive career by providing suitable financial and other incentives, such as greater resource support and recognition.

On institutional re-engineering, both the SAR government and the central authorities in Beijing need to come to a realistic recognition of the current debilitating disconnect between the executive and legislative branches, a systemic problem that is undermining the SAR government's efficacy and effectiveness and hampering its ability to tackle longer-term structural economic and social problems.
Consideration ought to be given to amending the Basic Law to restore the organic nexus between the executive and legislative branches, as in the colonial era and in a full-fledged representative democracy.

As for the electoral system, it is fortunate that Hong Kong has switched to the more consensual proportional representation system, which more countries are adopting.

Before Hong Kong can move towards direct elections, the region needs to design an electoral system that complies with all the underlying principles of the Basic Law: 1) development in the light of actual situation; 2) gradual and orderly progress; 3) balanced representation; and 4) facilitation of the capitalist economy. All these are far-sighted and unexceptionable principles formulated with the prime objective of ensuring Hong Kong's stability and prosperity in the course of its transformation into a democratic polity.

To facilitate the implementation of direct elections, proposals have been put forward that seek to comply with these principles. Sir David Akers-Jones proposed the establishment of a bicameral system to provide for a second chamber that accommodates all functional constituency members. The objective of this proposal was to comply with the principles of balanced participation and facilitation of the capitalist economy of Hong Kong.

His effort is laudable, as legislators from functional constituencies comprise representatives of a diverse range of occupations and professions, and are well placed to contribute their professional experience, expertise and broader perspectives to the proceedings of Legco and the executive branch on their election into office. Historically, Hong Kong's elites, the captains of industry and commerce, the self-made entrepreneurs and respected professionals have served Hong Kong well through their participation in public service, and it will be a sad waste of their talents and the fine tradition of elite participation in public service if institutional arrangements are not made for them to continue to play a pivotal role in Hong Kong's emerging democratic polity.

In comparison, the SAR government's proposals for empowering the district councils are presumably designed to: 1) attract more political talent to district service; and 2) lay the way open for using the district council constituency to allow greater participation by directly elected members in the legislature - a mechanism adopted by the British since the onset of democratisation of Legco in 1985.

Quite apart from the question of whether empowering district councils to play a greater, political role in running Hong Kong is consistent with Article 97 of the Basic Law, it would be difficult for such arrangements to comply with the principles of balanced representation and facilitation of the capitalist economy of Hong Kong.

The directly elected component of Legco would be enhanced by institutionalising the participation of directly elected members from small geographical constituencies, with a much narrower, more parochial focus in public affairs. A better way needs to be found to facilitate the transformation of Legco into a fully directly elected legislature.

It is impossible at this stage to provide all the answers to the diverse questions arising from the need to build a functional and durable democratic polity. Yet there are grounds for cautious optimism for the implementation of direct elections for the chief executive and the entire legislature in 2012.

Despite Hong Kong people's reputation for political apathy, there are encouraging signs of greater awakening on the part of Hong Kong's elite of the need to play a greater part in civil and political life. The emergence of an increasing number of think-tanks dedicated to studying issues germane to Hong Kong's political, social and economic development is a case in point.

The founding of more political parties provides Hong Kong citizens with more choices and greater public education on the parochial, subject and participant roles of the citizenry and will enable them to participate in the civil and political life of Hong Kong in a more meaningful and balanced way.

The constitutional reform package put forward by the chief executive last autumn came very close to getting the necessary legislative approval. Provided that an appropriate electoral system for the legislature could be designed that complies with all the principles of the Basic Law, stated or implied, and a consensus is forthcoming in Legco on the way forward, there is no reason why direct elections to the fifth term of the legislature could not be held in 2012.

A way will need to be worked out, however, to dovetail the two sets of elections in the Basic Law: those for the legislature and the chief executive respectively, and to restore the organic nexus between the two.

The future of Hong Kong's democratic development lies in the hands of the people of Hong Kong. The work involved is tremendous and momentous and requires a lot more than the chanting of slogans or the holding of mass demonstrations. It requires all the thinking men and women of Hong Kong who care about its future and want to build a successful, functional democratic polity, to think carefully about the institutional and infrastructural requirements and play their part.

It requires the people of Hong Kong to unite in the quest for democracy in a new spirit of tolerance, accommodation, flexibility, pragmatism and, above all, commitment to the principles enunciated in the Basic Law. The future lies in our hands and we the people should grasp the democratic moment.


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July 6, 2006

扁足球夢又來了 宣稱2018要進32強 (新聞轉貼)

剛看到的新聞,要笑死人了
足球不只是體能,其中還包括文化、歷史、價值
不是什麼都用"錢"就可以買到的
堂堂一個總統,灌輸錯誤的價值觀給小朋友
禍害萬年!!!
*******************************************

目前正值世足賽熱季,陳水扁(新聞)總統上午在「阿扁總統電子報」中訴說他的足球夢,他大膽預告,要讓台灣在2018年打進全球32強,揚威於世界杯的球場上。

陳總統提出具體的建議方案是,由政府選拔20位年齡不超過10歲、體能優異的小朋友,提供每人每年1萬美元的公費,送到巴西最好的足球學校訓練10年,全部經費不超過200萬美元(約合台幣6500萬元),畢業後並幫助爭取到世界第一流的職業球隊踢球,目標訂在2018年台灣要打進全球32強。(台灣目前在世界足球排名第156名)

陳總統說,雖然這個目標非常遠大,但我們不要忘記,台灣的棒球就是從最偏遠的台東紅葉村,在最艱困、克難的環境下,用石頭與竹棒一步一步發展起來的。如果沒有當年的紅葉,就不會有今天的王建民,證明只要有心就一定有力,只要用心去做,就一定會有成果。

陳總統表示,在本屆世界杯冠亞軍爭霸賽即將開打之前,他要誠摯的呼籲全體國人同胞一起為台灣足球運動做些事情,讓我們有一天也能在世足賽的現場,揮舞著我們的國旗,盡情的揮汗、飆淚,為台灣自己的球員忘情的吶喊與加油。

陳總統說,韓、日兩國並非足球的傳統強國,但自2002年以來,連續兩屆都躋身前32強,以堅忍的鬥志、超乎常人的體力與耐力,贏得了世人的尊敬。看到別人奮鬥成功的例子,更應該奮起直追,別人能、我們也一定能,台灣不應該自我設限,永遠在4年一度的世足賽中缺席。

政治人物經常在體育議題上畫大餅、開支票。前行政院長謝長廷(新聞)曾提出2020年台灣申辦奧運的構想。只是話說完沒多久,謝長廷就下台了。陳總統2001年為亞洲杯女足賽開幕時曾喊出,2002年是台灣的「足球年」,至今沒有成效,今天則喊出2018年讓台灣踢進世足32強。



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北韓飛彈射給誰看?

北韓於美國的獨立日和太空梭升空日試射遠程飛彈
這事件引起了國際上極大的回響
聯合國亦發表是聲明表示關注
而美國亦立刻發表了他們對北韓之各種假設性陰謀論
 
我想探討的是
為什麼當各國在各種不同的軍事演習或從事軍士活動就不被譴責
但北韓試射飛彈或展示其軍士部署就成是魔鬼行為?
 
相信大家都認同美國是個軍事強國
其軍備預算是全球之軍
於近代出兵次數亦是各國之首
那為什麼他們以/保護國土之軍士行為就理所當然
但其他國家的國防行為卻被視為挑釁性行為"provocative step" ?
 
這是否意味著由某些聯盟國家所稱的新世界秩序"New World Order"正在無型的推動中
那他們又憑什麼條件及出發點來置定這些新價值觀呢?
 
北韓正處於糧食及物資嚴重短缺的社會問題
當一個國家在這種惡劣情況下必定會為生存而做出反道德的自保行為
例如他們可能要研發核武售予其他國家換取資源
如按照美國所鼓吹以各種制裁行為以控制其社會發展
逼得他們走頭無路而向強權低腰這又是否能徹底解決問題呢?
 
如各國在尋求和平的前提下合力提供資源援助
無私的協助其走出貧窮及穩定的經濟發展
這是否會比較容易讓他們接受呢?
 
歷史是至我們成長的基石
犯過錯誤的人我們要給予其改正的機會
如照美國所刻意營造的恐慌主義出兵攻打北韓
這只會再增加仇恨惡化狀況
 
你我作為在地球村裡的一員
勿再以如事不關已的種種藉口把自已置身事外
多關心國際時事
 
"前人種樹後人乘涼"
 
一起為我們下一代作出貢獻吧
 
李奧 20060704


June 30, 2006

愛情是science 愛情是biology

昨天跟大妹的對話,轉貼自她的Blog

妹:今天走去上廁所的途中,突然想到一件事情
  恩~~~ 喜歡一個人 其實 好像 真的不用一定要在一起 
  或是以某一個所謂男女朋友的稱謂 在一起 
  因為當你定義成男女朋友 或是夫妻 他就有分手/離婚 的可能性
  
哥:是 沒錯 但是這種喜歡太不完整 當中包含了很多自設的期望跟想象 好像我跟你的關係
  有很大部份是假想的 如果在現實生活中 才是完整的 
  兩個人能不能才一起 不只是兩個人的問題 家庭、社會都佔一部份的角色
  所以兩個人不全然是兩個人
妹:嗯嗯嗯  所以要真的在一起 還有好遠好遠的路要走喔
  可是 我不喜歡分開 我不喜歡別離 我不喜歡吵架 
  我不喜歡就就就 被迫要消失的感覺
哥:那你先要去解讀 為什麼『兩個人』要才一起 
  為什麼不是『一個』、『三個』或是『四個』
  為什麼又需要是一男一女的組合呢?
妹:難道你不認為三個 很複雜 除非是家人 不然會吃醋吧 除非各司所職
哥:那為什麼不是一個?
妹:一個人 就是自己 一起發生的動作 需要一人以上才已完成
哥:接下來想想兩個人一起的最終原因是什麼?目的 
  舉個例:你爸跟媽在一起 得到什麼
妹:他們沒有在一起 他們是親人(因為我爸跟我媽是表兄妹他們不是夫妻他們是親人)
哥: ㄟ 好 那你想想你爺跟奶 在一起得到了什麼?
妹:椰奶很好喝(妹總是無聊的那一方)
  OK認真點ㄦ 我想是有個人可以讓你寄託依賴陪伴吧
  但我不懂為什麼 老了 都還是需要有一個人陪伴呢?
哥:(哥不管妹繼續問)那妹你是打哪ㄦ來的 人是打哪ㄦ來的?
妹:我媽生下我
哥:所以 (哥好像抓到一個POINT非常開心的繼續)
  恩~所以啦 那你爸跟你媽生下了你 就像
想戀愛>一起>繁殖>下一代>想戀愛>一起>繁殖>想戀愛>一起>繁殖>想戀愛>一起>繁殖>想戀愛>一起>繁殖>想戀愛>一起>繁殖>
 
  唯有這樣地球才會轉動~
  所以,愛情是science 愛情是biology
 
妹:是醬嗎?果真哥是男人 男人總是會用一個很自然簡單的邏輯去分析繁殖的動機
  愛又不聊了~妹今天終於經痛 所以 不想想太多~



挑战eBay Google将推在线支付系统 "G-Buy" "鸡掰"?

我們一起G-Buy!!!

据英国《金融时报》报道,Google即将公开测试一款新型在线支付系统GBuy,与在线拍卖网站eBay利润颇丰的支付系统PayPal展开竞争。

  GBuy 是Google 对搜索业务以外市场进行的最新尝试。2005年上半年开始,Google开始积极准备推出GBuy在线支付系统。

  市场对Google推出这项挑战PayPal的新型支付系统的预期已有数月之久。过去9个月里,Google一直在寻找在线零售商测试该系统,用户将会在AdWords付费搜索广告旁边看到GBuy的图标,Google希望此举能够使消费者点击该广告。GBuy系统还能够让消费者在Google上面存储他们的信用卡信息。

  目前,在线支付的方式仅有PayPal、Bill Me Late 等几种。业内人士称,GBuy的推出会扰乱在线支付市场的格局。尽管PayPal目前已经拥有超过1亿注册用户,但市场成熟导致成长放缓已成为这家支付巨头的难题。

  PayPal发言人表示,不管市场竞争如何激烈,公司都要拓展新市场。今年5月底,雅虎和eBay宣布建立合作伙伴关系,双方将在网络广告、支付和通信等多个领域展开合作。从某种意义上讲,雅虎和eBay结盟的目的就是共同对抗Google的“入侵”。

  RBC资本市场分析师乔丹·罗哈恩表示,GBuy网络支付服务将向eBay旗下的PayPal发起强劲的挑战,同时也可以帮助Google推出更具针对性的广告,“很多消费者都将Google作为互联网的入口,这对Google而言是一个巨大的优势。”

  消息人士称,Google计划在每笔交易中,向商家收取2.2%的佣金,另加30美分的支付服务费,高于PayPal最低1.9%的佣金及30美分的服务费。不过,Google的广告客户可能会享受到免支付费的优惠。

G-Buy -- 鸡掰! 骂人啦!!
真想看看这套payment机制在台湾推出时命名为什么。

新聞來源 Riki Sung >>>

另我也找到一個有趣的MSN對話 來自All in micro

以下,是我們的MSN對話。
(注意!內容雖然不到18禁,不過如果您的靈魂是純潔的,還是建議別看下去。)以下已經徵求過老吳同意後刊載,全文 "幾乎"照登,同音字跟注音文懶的改。
---------------------------------------------------
老吳 說:
http://taiwan.cnet.com/news/software/0,2000064574,20107089,00.htm
老吳 說:
真是好笑的名字
老吳 說:
G-buy
皮朵‧米雄‧just another day..._當然小猴還是很可愛 說:
google果然不在意華文市場....不對....是台灣市場
老吳 說:
哈哈
老吳 說:
真gbuy
老吳 說:
哈哈
皮朵‧米雄‧just another day..._當然小猴還是很可愛 說:
“7跟8”根本沒辦法形容,最貼切的發音居然是倍google想出來的ˊ(生氣貌)
老吳 說:
是阿
老吳 說:
這一定會大熱門的
皮朵‧米雄‧just another day..._當然小猴還是很可愛 說:
沒錯~~~~
老吳 說:
大家會問 你今天GBUY了嗎
皮朵‧米雄‧just another day..._當然小猴還是很可愛 說:
你超Gbuy的(笑)
皮朵‧米雄‧just another day..._當然小猴還是很可愛 說:
(洋蔥頭的搖頭圖)
老吳 說:
哈哈
老吳 說:
我猜這一定是台灣人想的
皮朵‧米雄‧just another day..._當然小猴還是很可愛 說:
或是:厚~~ Gbuy超好用的啦~~~~
老吳 說:
他一定想說老外不知道這是什麼意思
老吳 說:
哈哈
皮朵‧米雄‧just another day..._當然小猴還是很可愛 說:
對阿,一定是不爽他老闆很久了
老吳 說:
真是好Gbuy
皮朵‧米雄‧just another day..._當然小猴還是很可愛 說:
唉。.....一塊Gbuy吧
老吳 說:
對阿 一定是老闆一值逼她想名字
老吳 說:
他很煩 就罵了一聲 G buy
老吳 說:
想不到大或老闆賞識
皮朵‧米雄‧just another day..._當然小猴還是很可愛 說:
我快抽筋了啦~~`
皮朵‧米雄‧just another day..._當然小猴還是很可愛 說:
google果然是個非天才不用的公ㄙㄚ
老吳 說:
對阿
老吳 說:
哈哈

----------------------------------------------------------

我一定會試試 Google這新工具。

就醬,報告完畢。



June 28, 2006

LV 踐踏中國文化

lv

最近在香港版的"號外"雜誌看到了LV在台灣新店開幕時的活動照片
赫然發現了背景居然是台北市的中正紀念館
廣場上發現了一個巨型皮箱(大概是主活動地點)
後方的中正紀念堂主建築外牆就被投影的燈光打上了密密麻麻的LV招牌Monogram Logo

堂堂一個國家級的紀念堂被搞成這樣實在是慘不忍睹
這不是我們人民的文化及歷史資產嗎?
為麼會淪為商業行銷活動的背景牌?
負責規劃及批准這活動的相關國人應感到羞恥
我們的價值觀都已掉到霜點了嗎?
難道LV, Gucci, Prada 所佔的位置會比我們數千年的文化歷史來的重要?

試想美國的自由女神和法國的巴黎鐵塔
他們會讓我們在身上掛起"台灣啤酒"的布條嗎?

照片來源>>Click



June 22, 2006

台灣人冷靜冷靜

(以下是我對最近收到一封名為"台灣第一次,全世界都在看,不想再被貪腐集團愚弄的台灣人民,起來革命吧!" 的連鎖信所作的回應)

我在香港看著這場風暴,實在有點心酸
以前住台灣的日子,有去投票,有去遊行,有去集會,算是政治投入
但到現在因離國多年而慢慢把事情看客觀了點
 
老實說我是不太喜歡陳水扁
但大家有沒想過如果他被轟下來那又會由誰去接呢?
馬英九遲遲不表態就是軟弱的表現嗎?
一個政治人物如果連自已的思想都沒有,盲目去配合一部份講話比較大聲的人的意願
如果真是這樣這人不要也罷
就是有些人太偏重自我利益,才造成今日的腐敗政局
責任不只是在位的政治人物,其實所有人民整個社會都有責任
我看到了下一屆不論誰上不還一樣會被轟下來
大家只想給對方難看,這又何苦呢?
 
人民如果一直要保持這種不理性及帶惡意的反對心態
社會的和諧就會離我們越來越遠
民主制度不是亂罵,是有智慧及理性的監察
還有自已的地方發生的事用不著別人管
所以全世界在看什麼也不重要
反而是做的事情有沒有對得起良心才是重要的吧
 
大家如果能多冷靜理性處理政治
及為了我們下一代而看長遠
這樣會比較好吧!!
 
無黨無派的中國人
Leo
**信件原文請按下面繼續閱讀連結


...繼續閱讀

June 21, 2006

布袋戲登陸美國Cartoon Networks

實在是太勁爆了
加上Hip Hop 音樂.. Cool
Wulin of Warriors
Legend of the Seven Stars

另一版本 >> Wulin of Warriors (電音版)